the possible country

The regression that the madurismo disaster has caused is expressed at all levels of national life: in the collapse of our economy; the loss of our oil production capacities (current oil production is the same as we had in 1940), of our Territorial, Economic and Jurisdictional Sovereignty, of our labor, social and political conquests, retrograding us to a country subjected to the violence of State, without law, freedoms, or guarantees.

The country, under the madurismo, finds itself in a situation similar to that of the long night of Gomecismo, delivered to the transnationals, with its own oligarchy and politicians, specialists in “Offices for the deceased”, that have emerged in the shadow of the looting of the homeland.

The setback that the madurismo has caused in the spirituality and in the political and social aspirations of the people is so great that they have managed to revive the worst political class of the Fourth Republic. Under the madurismo, the excesses of the bipartisanship and its Apostles, of the Paquetazo of Carlos Andrés Pérez, of the privatization of the country and the delivery of oil, remained in diapers.

But, one of the most worrying aspects of this situation of obscurantism and the despair of the people is reflected in the emergence of fascist, intolerant, and revengeful behaviors in the political discourse of the country’s elites. This conduct has certainly been fed, stimulated, from the government itself, with its narrative of hatred, disqualifications, and persecution of ideas, as well as, having made permanent infamy and violence in all areas of society, in a behavior, in a political category.

These are the anti-values ​​of politics with a small “p”, which the madurismo has exercised in these 10 long years that it has been in power, to dismantle the country that we had, that we had conquered and impose its great package and its political model. The madurismo has sown hatred, violence and revenge; and that is what you will reap.

In the current political struggle, in the absence of a debate of ideas, and of full political and democratic freedoms, the scenario of annihilation of the opponent is once again imposed, a scenario where the madurismo has shown that it moves easily, since it has all the state power; and, above all, he has shown his willingness to continue violating the Constitution and the laws, to stay in power.

This is what the madurismo encourages when it discredits and persecutes its political opponents, exiles and imprisons them, kidnaps their relatives, intervenes in political parties, disqualifies candidates and makes a cynical exercise of politics and power.

I consider that it is a serious mistake of the country’s political actors, that we oppose madurismo, and that we want, like the vast majority of the Venezuelan people, a political change in the leadership of the government, to stimulate fascism and intolerance with a speech that Contrary to what one might think, it favors Maduro, because it divides or keeps the people demobilized, due to fear and confrontation.

For its part, in the popular sector and in the Bolivarian camp, the confusion is enormous, the demobilization and indifference have done tremendous damage to the possibilities of getting out of this crisis, preserving the economic, political and social conquests of the period of government of President Chávez.

Between blackmail and manipulation, fear and the persecution of Madurismo against Chavismo and Popular Power, the former leaders of the Bolivarian camp, at all levels, in the PSUV and in the government, have adopted the attitude of the ostrich, They have allowed the madurismo to dismantle the institutions and hit the social bases of Chavismo, opening spaces for diametrically opposed or clearly counterrevolutionary political proposals.

Many popular political leaders or military chiefs who accompanied Commander Chávez in his political beginnings or in his government, find themselves lounging in their small spaces of power, ignoring the destruction of the country. Others have become “entrepreneurs” and the “revolutionary bourgeoisie” of madurismo, and most have kept an incomprehensible, fearful silence, which, in the end, results in complicity.

Chávez has no one to defend himThose of us who have maintained a position of vindicating him and defending his government management, have been the object of the fiercest persecution by the madurismo and the intolerant sectors of the opposition, because the persecuted is not the person, the Minister of Petroleum of Chávez, in my case, but rather the idea, the deeply revolutionary approaches embodied in the Historical Objectives of the Plan for the Homeland, in socialism: Here the great persecuted and vilified is Chávez!

Faced with this situation of generalized rout and demobilization of the people, the popular movement and the Bolivarian camp; Chavismo and beyond it, we must establish a position that contains the drift towards the extreme right, intolerance and that can successfully confront the madurismo. Elements must be built for political debate, objectives of struggle that frame the action, and above all, that once the madurismo is removed from power, it can guarantee the governability and reconstruction of the country.

It is not a question of going back even further than we are, continuing in the country of “an eye for an eye”, where we are all blind, it is a question of advancing towards the future, towards the possible country.

In our discussions and our proposal, there are elements that must be claimed, as fundamental aspects of political action, of the future of the country. We will mention just a few, to share and open the discussion with the political sectors of the country, not with the claim of unanimity, which does not contribute to democracy, but with the hope of being able to count on elements for the necessary, enriching political debate. urgent.

We propose:

  • The restoration of the full validity of the Constitution of 1999 and the laws of the Republic.
  • Reinstatement of the rule of law and constitutional guarantees.
  • Restoration of the constitutional principle that sovereignty resides in the people. Guarantee all the mechanisms of political participation of citizens.
  • Repeal unconstitutional laws and decrees.
  • Assume as a fundamental basis for the development of the country the objectives established in the Plan for the Homeland.
  • Restore the sovereign management of oil and Full Oil Sovereignty. Restore the full validity of the Organic Hydrocarbons Law.
  • Recover PDVSA, its operational capacities and put it to work for the country, as a national oil company.
  • Put the economy and oil income at the service of the people, as a fundamental instrument to solve the serious economic and social problems, the humanitarian crisis that exists in Venezuela.
  • Develop Social Missions to address the urgent social problems of the town.
  • Develop an aggressive policy to recover fundamental public services, food, health and education.
  • Establish an Oil Fund for Social Emergency.
  • Restore Sovereignty in the management of the economy, with a national monetary policy that strengthens the Bolívar as legal tender. Reverse the dollarization of the economy.
  • Restore a decent minimum wage for workers and all labor rights taken away by the government. Restore the full validity of the Organic Labor Law.
  • Reverse all assignments and denationalizations of state companies and assets, oil and non-oil, of national interest carried out under the Anti-Blockade Law.
  • Repeal the Decree creating the Mining Arc and suspend mining activities in protected and environmentally sensitive areas. Give priority attention to indigenous peoples and the environmental damage caused in the Mining Arc. Protect the Amazon and the environment as a State policy.
  • Restore Sovereignty in the management of all our affairs, without foreign interference of any kind.
  • The Bolivarian National Armed Forces must be free of any foreign military interference. Strictly adhere to their constitutional roles and the Bolivarian Military Doctrine.
  • Restore the full validity of Human Rights. Release all political prisoners and arbitrarily detained.
  • Dismantle the State Repressive Corps accused of Human Rights violations and crimes against humanity. Bring the perpetrators to justice.
  • Intervene the Judiciary, the Prosecutor’s Office and the Justice System. Dejudicialize politics. Reestablish the constitutional mechanisms for the conformation of the Justice System.
  • Establish a policy of care and protection for the Venezuelan diaspora abroad. Develop an Extraordinary Plan to facilitate and promote reentry and reestablishment in the country as a Priority.

These are some aspects that we have debated and that we propose to be incorporated into the political debate and the proposal for change. But at the same time, these issues must be part of an Agenda for Struggle, a national, popular and revolutionary platform to get out of the abyss of madurismo.

Despite the difficulties and aggressions of the madurismo, we maintain a permanent discussion within Chavismo, with important segments of the popular movement and with other political factors in the country, in the common purpose of achieving a political change in the country.

What we present for everyone’s consideration is the product of our common reflections, of our experience, of learning from our mistakes and our successes, and above all, of the immense love for our people and the conviction that we can find ourselves in a common future. , collective, better for the majority of the country, for the humble, for all Venezuelans.

We work and fight tirelessly with the certainty that we will get out of this abyss, and that, beyond the chaos and destruction, hopelessness or resignation, there is a possible country, the country of “Living Well”, of the free, conscious people, of work, knowledge, justice, equality, and solidarity.

the possible country